Author Topic: Beheaded at whim and worked to death: Japan's repugnant treatment of Allied PoWs  (Read 1963 times)

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Kiwi

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Grotesque: A prisoner of war, about to be beheaded by a Japanese executioner


The sheer brutality of the battle for the Far East defies imagination
. And in a new book, historian Max Hastings argues that Japanese intransigence made it far worse.

Yesterday, he explained why America had to drop the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. Here, in the final part of our exclusive serialisation, he reveals how the West was stunned when it emerged how cruelly their prisoners of war had suffered...

As the men of the victorious British 14th Army advanced through Burma on the road to Mandalay in January 1945 they encountered Japanese savagery towards prisoners.

After a battle, the Berkshires found dead British soldiers beaten, stripped of their boots and suspended by electric flex upside down from trees. This sharpened the battalion's sentiment against their enemy.

Back in Britain it was beginning to emerge that such inhumanity was not confined to the battlefield.

Men who had escaped from Japanese captivity brought tales of brutality so extreme that politicians and officials censored them for fear of the Japanese imposing even more terrible sufferings upon tens of thousands of PoWs who remained in their hands.

The US government suppressed for months the first eyewitness accounts of the 1942 Bataan death march in the Philippines on which so many captured American GIs perished, and news of the beheadings of shot-down aircrew.

In official circles a reluctance persisted to believe the worst. As late as January 1945, a Foreign Office committee concluded that it was only in some outlying areas that there might be ill-treatment by rogue military officers.

A few weeks later, such thinking was discredited as substantial numbers of British and Australian PoWs were freed in Burma and the Philippines.

Their liberators were stunned by stories of starvation and rampant disease; of men worked to death in their thousands, tortured or beheaded for small infractions of discipline.

More than a quarter of Western PoWs lost their lives in Japanese captivity. This represented deprivation and brutality of a kind familiar to Russian and Jewish prisoners of the Nazis in Europe, yet shocking to the American, British and Australian public.

It seemed incomprehensible that a nation with pretensions to civilisation could have defied every principle of humanity and the supposed rules of war.

The overwhelming majority of Allied prisoners were taken during the first months of the Far East war when the Philippines, Dutch East Indies, Hong Kong, Malaya and Burma were overrun.

As disarmed soldiers milled about awaiting their fate in Manila or Singapore, Hong Kong or Rangoon, they contemplated a life behind barbed wire with dismay, but without the terror that their real prospects merited.

They had been conditioned to suppose that surrender was a misfortune that might befall any fighting man.

In the weeks that followed, as their rations shrank, medicines vanished, and Japanese policy was revealed, they learned differently. Dispatched to labour in jungles, torrid plains or mines and quarries, they grew to understand that, in the eyes of their captors, they had become slaves.

They had forfeited all fundamental human respect. A Japanese war reporter described seeing American prisoners - "men of the arrogant nation which sought to treat our motherland with unwarranted contempt.

"As I gaze upon them, I feel as if I am watching dirty water running from the sewers of a nation whose origins were mongrel, and whose pride has been lost. Japanese soldiers look extraordinarily handsome, and I feel very proud to belong to their race."

As prisoners' residual fitness ebbed away, some abandoned hope and acquiesced to a fate that soon overtook them. A feeling of loneliness was a contributory factor in the deaths of many, particularly the younger ones.

The key to survival was adaptability. It was essential to recognise that this new life, however unspeakable, represented reality.

Those who pined for home, who gazed tearfully at photos of loved ones, were doomed. Some men could not bring themselves to stomach unfamiliar, repulsive food. "They preferred to die rather than to eat what they were given," said US airman Doug Idlett.

"The ones who wouldn't eat died pretty early on," said Corporal Paul Reuter. "I buried people who looked much better than me. I never turned down anything that was edible."

Australian Snow Peat saw a maggot an inch long, and said: "Meat, you beauty! You've got to give it a go. Think they're currants in the Christmas pudding. Think they're anything."

But in the shipyards near Osaka, two starving British prisoners ate lard from a great tub used for greasing the slipway. It had been treated with arsenic to repel insects. They died.

Prisoners were bereft of possessions. Mel Rosen owned a loincloth, a bottle and a pot of pepper. Many PoWs boasted only the loincloth. Even where there were razor blades, shaving was unfashionable, shaggy beards the norm.

In the midst of all this, they were occasionally permitted to dispatch cards home, couched in terms that mocked their condition, and phrases usually dictated by their jailers. "Dear Mum & all," wrote Fred Thompson from Java to his family in Essex, "I am very well and hope you are too.

"The Japanese treat us well. My daily work is easy and we are paid. We have plenty of food and much recreation. Goodbye, God bless you, my love to you all."

Thompson expressed reality in the privacy of his diary: "Somehow we keep going. We are all skeletons, just living from day to day. This life just teaches one not to hope or expect anything. My emotions are non-existent."

Prisoner Paul Reuter slept on the top deck of a three-tier bunk in his camp. When disease and vitamin deficiency caused him to go blind for three weeks, no man would change places to enable him to sleep at ground level.

"Some people would steal," he said. "There was a lot of barter, then bitterness about people who reneged on the deals.

"There were only a few fights, but a lot of arguing - about places in line, about who got a spoonful more."

This was a world in which gentleness was neither a virtue that commanded esteem, nor a quality that promoted survival.

Philip Stibbe, in Rangoon Jail, wrote: "We became hardened and even callous. Bets were laid about who would be next to die. Everything possible was done to save the lives of the sick, but it was worse than useless to grieve over the inevitable."

Self-respect was deeply discounted. Every day, prisoners were exposed to their own impotence. Rosen watched Japanese soldiers kick ailing Americans into latrine pits: "You don't know the meaning of frustration until you've had to stand by and take that."

Almost every prisoner afterwards felt ashamed that he had stood passively by while the Japanese beat or killed his comrades. And prisoners hated the necessity to bow to every Japanese, whatever his rank and whatever theirs. No display of deference shielded them from the erratic whims of their masters.

Japanese behaviour vacillated between grotesquery and sadism. Ted Whincup laboured on the notorious Burma railway, a 250-mile track carved through mountain and dense jungle.

The commandant insisted that the prisoners' four-piece band should muster outside the guardroom and play "Hi, ho, hi, ho, it's off to work we go" - the tune from Snow White - each morning as skeletal inmates shambled forth to their labours.

If guards here took a dislike to a prisoner, they killed him with a casual shove into a ravine.

The Japanese seemed especially ill-disposed towards tall men, whom they obliged to bend to receive punishment, usually administered with a cane.

One day Airman Fred Jackson was working on an airfield on the coral island of Ambon when, for no reason, six British officers were paraded in line, and one by one punched to the ground by a Japanese warrant officer.

A trooper of the 3rd Hussars, being beaten by a guard with a rifle, raised an arm to ward off blows and was accused of having struck the man. After several days of beatings, he was tied to a tree and bayoneted to death.

An officer of the Gordons who protested against sick men being forced to work was also tied to a tree, beneath which guards lit a fire and burnt him like some Christian martyr.

Although Labour on the notorious Burma railway represented the worst fate that could befall an Allied PoW, shipment to Japan as a slave labourer also proved fatal to many.

In June 1944, the commandant in Hall Romney's camp announced to the prisoners that their job on the railway was done. They were now going to Japan.

Conditions in the holds of transport ships were always appalling, sometimes fatal. Overlaid on hunger and thirst was the threat of US submarines. The Japanese made no attempt to identify ships carrying PoWs. At least 10,000 perished following Allied attacks.

RAOC wireless mechanic Alf Evans was among 1,500 men on the Kachidoki Maru when she was sunk. Evans jumped into the water and dog-paddled to a small raft to which three other men were already clinging to.

One had two broken legs, another a dislocated thigh. They were all naked, and coated in oil. A Japanese destroyer arrived, and began to pick up survivors - but only Japanese.

Evans paddled to a lifeboat left empty after its occupants were rescued, and climbed aboard, joining two Gordon Highlanders. They hauled in other men, until they were 30 strong.

After three days and nights afloat, they were taken aboard a Japanese submarine-hunter. The captain reviewed the bedraggled figures paraded on his deck, and at first ordered them thrown over the side. Then he changed his mind and administered savage beatings all round.

Eventually the prisoners were transferred-to the hold of a whaling factory ship, in which they completed their journey to Japan. Filthy and almost naked, they were landed on the dockside and marched through the streets, between lines of watching Japanese women, to a cavalry barracks. There they were clothed in sacking and dispatched to work 12-hour shifts in the furnaces of a chemical work.

Many prisoners' feet were so swollen by beriberi that in the desperate cold of a Japanese winter, they could not wear shoes. Even under such blankets as they had, men shivered at night, for there was no heating in their barracks.

At Stephen Abbott's camp when prisoners begged for relief, the commandant said contemptuously: "If you wish to live you must become hardened to cold, as Japanese are. You must teach your men to have strong willpower - like Japanese."

Yet by 1944 the death rate in most Japanese camps had declined steeply from the earlier years. The most vulnerable were gone. Those who remained were frail, often verging on madness, but possessed a brute capacity to endure that kept many alive to the end.

Out of fairness, it should be noted that there were instances in which PoWs were shown kindness, even granted means to survive through Japanese compassion.

In his camp, Doug Idlett told a Japanese interpreter he had beriberi "and the next day he handed me a bottle of Vitamin B. I never saw him again, but I felt that he had contributed to me being alive."

Lt Masaichi Kikuchi, commanding an airfield defence unit in Singapore early in 1945, was allotted a labour force of 300 Indian PoWs. The officer who handed over the men said carelessly: "When you're finished, you can do what you like with them. If I was you, I'd shove them into a tunnel with a few demolition charges."

Kikuchi could do no such thing. When two Indians escaped and were returned after being re-captured, he did not execute them, as he should have done. He thought it unjustified.

The point of such stories is not that they contradict an overarching view of the Japanese as ruthless and sadistic in their treatment of despised captives. It is that, as always in human affairs, the story deserves shading.

There was undoubtedly some maltreatment of German and Japanese PoWs in Allied hands. This is not to suggest moral equivalence, merely that few belligerents in any war can boast unblemished records in the treatment of prisoners, as events in Iraq have recently reminded us.

Since 1945, pleas have been entered in mitigation of what the Japanese did to prisoners in the Second World War. First there was the administrative difficulty of handling unexpectedly large numbers of captives in 1942.

This has some validity. Many armies in modern history have encountered such problems in the chaos of victory, and their prisoners have suffered.

Moreover, food and medical supplies were desperately short in many parts of the Japanese empire. Western prisoners, goes this argument, merely shared privations endured by local civilians and Japanese soldiers.

Such claims might be plausible, but for the fact that prisoners were left starving and neglected even where means were available to alleviate pain. There is no record of PoWs at any time or place being adequately fed.

The Japanese maltreated captives as a matter of policy, not necessity. The casual sadism was so widespread, that it must be considered institutional.

There were so many arbitrary beheadings, clubbings and bayonetings that it is impossible to dismiss these as unauthorised initiatives by individual officers and men.

A people who adopt a code which rejects the concept of mercy towards the weak and afflicted seem to place themselves outside the pale of civilisation. Japanese sometimes justify their inhumanity by suggesting that it was matched by equally callous Allied bombing of civilians.

Japanese moral indignation caused many US aircrew captured in 1944-45 to be treated as "war criminals". Eight B-29 crewmen were killed by un-anaesthetised vivisection carried out in front of medical students at a hospital. Their stomachs, hearts, lungs and brain segments were removed.

Half a century later, one doctor present said: "There was no debate among the doctors about whether to do the operations - that was what made it so strange."

Any society that can indulge such actions has lost its moral compass. War is inherently inhumane, but the Japanese practised extraordinary refinements of inhumanity in the treatment of those thrown upon their mercy. Some of them knew it.

In Stephen Abbott's camp, little old Mr Yogi, the civilian interpreter, told the British officer: "The war has changed the real Japan. We were much as you are before the war - when the army had not control. You must not think our true standards are what you see now."

Yet, unlike Mr Yogi, the new Japan that emerged from the war has proved distressingly reluctant to confront the historic guilt of the old. Its spirit of denial contrasted starkly with the penitence of postwar Germany.

Though successive Japanese prime ministers expressed formal regret for Japan's wartime actions, the country refused to pay reparations to victims, or to acknowledge its record in school history texts.

I embarked upon this history of the war with a determination to view Japanese conduct objectively, thrusting aside nationalistic sentiments. It proved hard to sustain lofty aspirations to detachment in the face of the evidence of systemic Japanese barbarism, displayed against Americans and Europeans but on a vastly wider scale against their fellow Asians.

In modern times, only Hitler's SS has matched militarist Japan in rationalising and institutionalising atrocity. Stalin's Soviet Union never sought to dignify its great killings as the acts of gentlemen, as did Hirohito's nation.

It is easy to perceive why so many Japanese behaved as they did, conditioned as they were. Yet it remains difficult to empathise with those who did such things, especially when Japan still rejects its historic legacy.

Many Japanese today adopt the view that it is time to bury all old grievances - those of Japan's former enemies about the treatment of prisoners and subject peoples, along with those of their own nation about firebombing, Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

"In war, both sides do terrible things," former Lt Hayashi Inoue argued in 2005. "Surely after 60 years, the time has come to stop criticising Japan for things done so long ago."

Wartime Japan was responsible for almost as many deaths in Asia as was Nazi Germany in Europe. Germany has paid almost £3billion to 1.5 million victims of the Hitler era. But Japan goes to extraordinary lengths to escape any admission of responsibility, far less of liability for compensation, towards its wartime victims.

Most modern Japanese do not accept the ill-treatment of subject peoples and prisoners by their forebears, even where supported by overwhelming evidence, and those who do acknowledge it incur the disdain or outright hostility of their fellow-countrymen for doing so.

It is repugnant the way they still seek to excuse, and even to ennoble, the actions of their parents and grandparents, so many of whom forsook humanity in favour of a perversion of honour and an aggressive nationalism which should properly be recalled with shame.

The Japanese nation is guilty of a collective rejection of historical fact. As long as such denial persists, it will remain impossible for the world to believe that Japan has come to terms with the horrors it inflicted.

• Abridged extract from NEMESIS: THE BATTLE FOR JAPAN 1944-45 by Max Hastings, published by HarperPress on October 1 at £25. Max Hastings 2007. To order a copy at £22.50 (p&p free), call 0845 606 4213.

newman

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Quote
The Japanese dealt out some horrendous punishments to you. You were beaten by these poles, some were tortured by other means. Slivers of bamboo were forced under your fingernails, or worse your fingernails would be wrenched from your body. The screams that you heard would send chills up your back as someone was being tortured. Another punishment would be to place you in a hole in the ground, water was poured over you, and then you were beaten with the bamboo poles. The Japanese soldiers were the most brutal, barbaric race of people to come across.

Kiwi

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Japanese Atrocities on Australian Prisoners of War

World War 2
This poem was written by NX67374 POPE, Alan Lindsay of 8 Division Supply Column, AASC.

A SOLDIER'S LAMENT.
I wandered through many cities and roamed the western plains
They took me across the ocean and brought me back again
I've heard the sound of shot and shell and heard the big guns roar
In the turmoil and confusion in Malaya and Singapore.

I spent three and a-half years in a prison camp in Changi and Japan
Where starvation and brutality caused the death of many a man
When the war was over, they would not bring me home
For when I walked, I rattled; I was only skin and bone.

I was put into a Convalescent camp where there was food galore
No matter how much I ate, I always craved for more.
A month of this then homeward bound across the mighty sea
But once agian my luck ran out when they found I had T.B.

I was put into Concord Hospital to see if I could be cured
It was another fourteen months before I faced the discharge board
The doctor gave me a lecture then said, "You have it beat!"
At last after six years I was back in civvy street
Live has it's ups and downs but treat it with a smile
Remembering the good times makes everything worthwhile.

These Statutory Declarations are from Series - AWM 54 held in the Australian War Memorial, Canberra. They contain all the Statutory Declarations made by Australian, British and US Forces on Japanese Atrocities occurred on themselves and their mates.

Statutory Declaration of QX17202 Driver Robert George LUCAS of Coorparoo, Queensland.

I, QX17202 Driver Robert George LUCAS of 8 Division Transport Ammunition Company AASC now discharged being duly sworn make oath and state as follows -
1. I was a Prisoner of War at NAGOYA Prison Camp No 9, TOYAMA, JAPAN from about the 29th Jun 1945 until 6th Sep 1945. In this camp were approximately 250 Americans of all rank; 100 English Officers and other ranks and 19 Australian Prisoners of War.
2.We worked as labourers on the wharves and the railway yards loading and unloading all sorts of stores and supplies.
3. Our living conditions in this camp were very bad.
4. Up until approximately 21st Aug 1945 from the date of our arrival, the food issue consisted of two-thirds of an Australian issue pannikin of cooked rice with sometimes a small portion of beans mixed with the rice. Occasionally we received a small issue of stewed cucumber and pie melon. The quality of this food was very poor and often the rice was full of weevils.
5. Medical Supplies were practically non-existent. On two occasions we received a vitamin tablet but it was too little to be of any value whatever.
6. As a result of the shortage and quality of the food plus lack of medical supplies, one American Prisoner of War died of Beriberi. I cannot remember his name and address.
7. Although the death rate was not great, it was an accepted fact among the Prisoners of War that we would never see another winter. This applied to even the fittest of us. If our conditions remained the same as were endured at this camp from late June 1945 until late August 1945.
8. On at least six occasions, I was a member of a party detailed by the "big boss" called HETO (phonetic) to unload hundreds of 50lb bombs onto railway trucks. This was very heavy work and members of the parties were continually falling out exhausted by the weight of these loads.
9. I cannot remember the name or rank of the Japanese Officer commanding the camp; I think he wore two gold stars. He did not live at the camp and only visited for short periods about once a week. He seemed to leave everything to his staff at the camp and although the American Major in charge of us repeatedly reported the brutal bashings to him when he called, he did nothing to stop it or improve our conditions.
10. I remember three of the worst members of the camp staff were nicknamed as follows - THE GREEN HORNET; FOREIGN LEGION; and MEDICAL ORDERLY. of these three THE GREEN HORNET was the worst. Both THE GREEN HORNET and FOREIGN LEGION came with us from the camp to the working sites and bashed us with fists, stocks and rifles whenever they felt like it, for no reason at all; also took delight in kicking the men in any part of the body.
11. I remember on one occasion when I was out on a working party with Arthur DRAPER of the 2/4 Machine Gun Battalion and others; we had finished loading our railway truck and were waiting for the next one to come along when a Japanese soldier with no connection with our camp came over to WX7777 Cpl Arthur DRAPER and ordered him to finish loading another truck that was not being worked by POW's. DRAPER answered that he was not under his control and to "shut-up"; whereupon the soldier bashed him down and then reported it to FOREIGN LEGION who, together with the GREEN HORNET bashed DRAPER in turns off and on for two hours. DRAPER was in a dreadful mess by this time. We had to carry him back to camp. DRAPER was very sick for three days and was given a job inside the camp.
12. I remember one day on roll call VX63776 Pte Frank William GILES of 2/29th Infantry Battalion was standing in the line swaying from side to side. He was a very sick man suffering from previous bashings. THE MEDICAL ORDERLY who was calling the roll saw him swaying and came up to GILES and took a running kick at his stomach. GILES collapsed; unconscious and we carried him into the hut. GILES was never able to work again until we were released.
13. A description of the Japanese Camp Commandant of NAGOYA No 9 Camp is as follows - Age approximately 45 years; Height - 5 ft 6 inches; stocky build.
14. A description of the Japanese known to me as HETO is as follows - Age about 35-40 years; Height - 5 ft 5 inches; thick set, well developed, fair skinned, clean look about him.
15. A description of the Japanese guard known as THE GREEN HORNET although he was known as GREEN DEATH by others, is as follows - Age between 28 and 32 years; Height - 5 ft 3 inches; wrestler type; full face; piggy slanting eyes; and perpetual sneering look.
16. NOTE: There is also a photograph attached which I cannot reproduce here identifying the Japanese named above.
I swear that the contents of this my affidavit are to the best of my knowledge and belief, true in every particular.

Signed and sworn by the within named Deponent at Brisbane on the eleventh day of September 1946 - Signed R.G.Lucas.

Before me A Justice the Peace - Roberts. J P.

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A Statutory Declaration by NX45734 Charles David LOADSMAN.

I, Charles David LOADSMAN formerly NX45734 and now a Farmer residing at Maroochy Road, Via Woombye, Qld.

1. I do solemnly and sincerely declare that I saw Pte "Irish" MORGAN beaten on the face with a boot by a Japanese named SUZUKI who was in charge of the clothing store. I was in NAESTSU Prison Camp at the time of the offence, the assault-taking place during the 9pm roll call.
MORGAN was knocked down by SUZUKI who alleged MORGAN had a pair of boots cut down to make a pair of shoes. The boots in question were carried from Singapore as shoes. When we came under Japanese supervision they contended these were their boots cut down.
The beating continued for approx 20 minutes and MORGAN was rendered unconscious. He was later treated by our own RAP.
For the purposes of indentification SUZUKI (who could be easily indentified by me) has a lame leg and hops on the other and does not use crutches. He later left the camp and was working at SENATSU MILL.

2. AOKI was a Japanese Corporal in charge of our Medical Section. It was a Japanese order to wear sheets around our waists at night. One night whilst AOKI was carrying out a snap inspection he found two men without sheets. The whole Company was ordered out of bed to report on the parade ground. They were then stripped and forced to walk around the parade ground on their hands and knees for two hours being belted with a sword or round stick similar to a pick handle. The belting around the parade ground was carried out by KATAMI; AOKI and the guards.
After this took place there were several cases and deaths from pneumonia. AOKI is an athlete, he has no scars or particular marks by which I could describe him. He was promoted Sergeant during the camp. I am sure I could identify any of the three Japanese were I confronted with them.

I swear that the contents of this my affidavit is to the best of my knowledge and belief to be true in every particular.

Signed - C.D. Loadsman.

Declared at NAMBOUR the first day of April 1946.

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Here are two separate Statutory Declarations by - SX6198 Pte Cyril Roy RAINES of 2/3 Machine Gun Battalion.

I, SX6198 Pte Cyril Roy RAINES of 2/3 Machine Gun Battalion make oath and say as follows -
I was taken prisoner of war by the Japanese in Java on 9 Mar 1942. I remained a prisoner of war in various camps until we embarked at Batavia on 3 Jan 1943 for Singapore.
After about ten days at Singapore I was a prisoner of war in various camps in Thailand the last of them being NIKI where we went about July 1945 and remained until release in Sep 1945.
While at NIKI I met a man known as "Andy" STEVENSON. I had not seen him previously and I do not know either his military particulars or anything about where he lived or what he did in Australia. I think he may have come from Queensland.
One day early in Sept 1945 there were four of us working in the tool shop. Bill ROBERTS; whom I had not met before I went to NIKI; STEVENSON, myself and another man who was not an Australian. We were attending to picks and shovels particularly refitting handles. A dispute arose between me and the sole Japanese who was with us about the way in which we were doing the job; he did not appear to understand us and we did not understand him. He then made all four of us stand in a line and taking a blacksmiths hammer weighing about 2 lbs he struck each one of us on the head with it. We then continued working until knockoff time about two hours later. After work STEVENSON went to bed without his tea. He was sleeping about three from me and had a mate looking after him that evening. His mate was known to me as Bill YEO; I had not met him until we met at NIKI and except that I think he may be a Queenslander and was repatriated I do not know anything of him. Bill ROBERTS was a South Australian I think and was repatriated. After tea I went along to see STEVENSON. He appeared to be asleep. Next morning I saw Bill YEO and others trying to wake him. I did not go to him. It was dark and others were around him. The lighting was poor. I heard that he was unconscious still when we left for work and that he died that afternoon before we returned from work. We had no Medical Officer; we had a Medical Orderly but I do not know whether he saw STEVENSON.
The Japanese who hit STEVENSON was known as "SNAKE EYE". He was a Corporal so far as I can recall. He did not appear to have any special duties but appeared to be on general guard duties. He was short, medium build, no moustache, unusually large eyes, no spectacles, young, so far as I can recall. He had a bad reputation for striking prisoners without cause.

Signed C.R.Raines.

Sworn at NORTHFIELD this 7th day of March 1946 before me SANGSTER a Justice of the Peace in South Australia.

NOTE - The STEVENSON referred to in the above is identified as QX 9309 Gnr Alfred Neville STEPHENSON of the 2/10 Field Regiment RAA who was killed by a blow to the head by a hammer from a Japanese L/Cpl on 19 July 1945. He died on 22 July 1945.

His Records show that he died on the 22 July 1944 from Cholera. The Japanese lied about his death to cover up this War Crime.

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Statutory Declaration given before the Australian War Crimes Commission.

I, Cyril Roy RAINES of PYAP in the State of SOUTH AUSTRALIA, Fisherman, make oath and state as follows -

1. That I was formerly SX6198 Pte C.H. RAINES, 2/3rd Machine Gun Battalion and I was taken prisoner of war by the Japanese at SINGAPORE on or about the 9th Mar 1942. (Actually he was captured in JAVA) [my notes]
2. That after capture I was transferred through SINGAPORE to work on the THAILAND Railway. I was transferred to various camps and in Jun 1945 I spent about a month in SONKURAI Camp, THAILAND. I became ill in this camp with Beriberi and malaria and was told on parade at the end of my stay there that I was being sent to NIKI Camp, THAILAND fro a rest with other sick men. About 100 men were transferred to NIKI in July 1945; 35 Englishmen, about 35 Dutch and the remaining 30 were Australians. I remained in NIKI Camp unit I was released in Sep 1945.
3. The conditions at NIKI were bad. Food comprised boiled rice and pumpkin water. Sleeping conditions in the bamboo hut allotted were congested and we slept touching the next prisoner. Administration in the Camp was bad; by that I mean that severe punishments would be inflicted upon the prisoners without apparent excuse. Working conditions were severe. We worked as labourers from dawn to dark. We were short of medical supplies at NIKI and received little medical treatment. There were three orderlies - an Englishman, a Dutchman and an Australian and these men did their best to treat our complaints with limited supplies.
5. The Camp Commandant at NIKI was in the habit of touring the sleeping quarters shortly after reveille when those able to work were out on parade. He would attempt to force out of bed those men who were too sick to go on parade. Such men would be suffering chiefly from malaria, dysentery or beriberi. The men would be struck either with his rifle butt or a piece of bamboo he sometimes carried and he would watch the effect of the blows. If he considered that the prisoner reacted to the blows with a sufficient movement, he would continue striking until he would force the man out of bed. If after some blows a prisoner was not moving, being too sick, he would leave him and go to the next one. Those forced out of bed would be paraded and he would then make a final decision as to which of them would work despite their disabilities. The others he would permit to return to their beds. Amongst those who were struck and forced out of bed in the manner by "Bill the Bastard" was a young prisoner by the name of KELLY from Queensland; Bill YEO and RAPPACHOLI of Tasmania.
6. About the end of August 1945 I was one of a party detailed t carry rice from the railway station back to the camp, a distance of about two miles. Each bag of rice weighed between 100 and 112 lbs. After we had returned about a mile carrying the rice we were given a rest. After about five to ten minutes "Bill the Bastard" who was in charge of the party that day order us to continue. I moved off and RAPPACHOLI was to have been close behind me. I understand that RAPPACHOLI fainted as the bag of rice was lifted onto his back and that while he was on the ground he was knocked about the head by "Bill the Bastard" who kicked him and encouraged one of the guards to hit him with the but of his rifle. I saw RAPPACHOLI when he returned to camp; his face was severely bruised, both eyes were blackened and he described the bashing to me when I asked him what had happened. I think that about six prisoners witnessed the bashing but I cannot remember their names.
7. "Bill the Bastard" at various times administered beatings to every Australian prisoner at NIKI, but he seemed to have a special hatred of KELLY. For the period we were at NIKI, the Camp Commandant found some pretext every day for beating KELLY. Sometimes he was beaten three or four times a day. This was witnessed by every prisoner in the camp. The method of beating was always blows to the body with bamboo.
8. I know the facts deposed to herein are of my own knowledge except where otherwise appears.

Sworn at KESWICK this 17th day of October 1946.

----0000----

This next affidavit concerns the Sinking of the CENTAUR on 14 May 1943.

I am VX64840 Cpl Maurice Peter THOMAS and I am present on the staff pf the 2/14 Australian General Hospital.
On the 12 May 1943 I was a member of the medical staff of HMAHS CENTAUR. I have not made any previous statement about the sinking of the CENTAUR or appeared at any military Court of Enquiry in relation thereto.
The CENTAUR sailed from SYDNEY at approximately 0900 hrs on 12th May 1943. On board there were the 2/12 Field Ambulance and some members of the AASC attached to it, totalling in all 217 men. I do not know anything of trouble over the rifles of men of the AASC, but I do remember seeing 4 AASC men come on board carrying their rifles. I do not know whether these weapons were subsequently taken off the boat. I know of no reason why the Captain should not think he was immune from attack.

My quarters on the ship were on B Deck, 2 decks below the well deck, and forward. Outside my quarters there was a flight of stairs leading directly on to the well deck.
On the night of the sinking I went to bed about midnight and the next thing I knew I was standing beside my bed awake. There were fires scattered all over the quarters where my bunk was situated and the staircase was alight. I gave a yell and was answered by L/Cpl Le Brun and I went up the stairs, I, having the intention to get a life belt. I had left my own belt at my place of work.
I headed for a life belt which I knew was on the port side rail of the promenade deck midway between midships and the stern. I went on to the well deck, which was on fire, and my feet were burnt as I did so. I then ascended the stairs to the promenade deck. After leaving my quarters I did not see L/Cpl Le Brun again. I reached the life belt and struggled to release it from the rail. By this time the ship was going down nose first and by the port side, the promenade deck tilting at an angle of 15 to 2o degrees from bow to stern. I eventually detached the life belt but lost it again, for at that moment I was swept into the water as the promenade deck was submerged. I started to swim away from the ship but after about 20 strokes I was dragged under the water as the vessel sank. When I broke surface again there was no sign of the CENTAUR. After about 20 minutes swimming I found a raft loaded with people and I clung to this while looking for some other support.
At daybreak I found a piece of planking on to which I climbed together with Ptes Jones, McCosker, Taylor and 3 of the ships crew.
We spent all of Friday on this planking. On Friday night between midnight and daybreak I heard the sound of engines, the sound resembling the chugging of a small motorboat. These engines seemed to be about three quartes of a mile away. Two flares were immediately lit by people on two rafts but I was unable to see anything on the water. One of the ships crew said it was an engine belonging to a submarine. He ordered the flares to be doused and they were then extinguished. The sound of engines then stopped, their total of running being only a couple of minutes. We were all quiet from then until daylight, fearful of what might happen if a submarine might come to the surface.
At about 3.15 the next afternoon I saw a plane which I think was a Mitchell Bomber and we were picked up shortly after 5 o'clock by the American destroyer USS MUGFORD.
This was about 16 or 17 hours after I had heard the sound of engines.

The CENTAUR was painted white with 3 Red Crosses on either side, one near the bow, the midships and one near the stern. These crosses were about 9 feet in total length and breadth. A green band about 2 feet wide was painted around the ship about 6 feet above the water line. On the stern there was a neon red cross about 6 feet in total length and breadth. There were also 2 Red Cross neon’s, one on each side of the funnel, high up, but smaller than the one on the stern. At night there were arc lights illuminating each cross on the sides, while the neon crosses were all switched on.

There were also about 72 green lights running right around the promenade rail measuring about 8" by 6". I would say that the red crosses on the ship could be seen from a boat at water level as much as 3 miles from the vessel.

I was on the ORANJI for 14 months when that ship was a hospital vessel and the CENTAUR's lighting was just as good as on the ORANJI. I have also seen the hospital ship WANGANELLA lighted and the CENTAUR's lighting compared favourably with the lighting on the WANGANELLA. Just before going to bed on the night of the sinking, the CENTAUR was fully illuminated.

I lost 2 pairs of my own shoes worth about 2 pound 10/-; a travelling case worth about 3 pound 10/-; a wristlet watch worth 7 pound 7/- and money totalling about 15 pound.
Dated 4 Sep 1944 and signed M.P. THOMAS.