Excerpts from: Israeli Arabs: Fathers and Sons and Daughters
THEY MUST GO – 1981
Written by Rabbi Meir Kahane
Israeli Arabs. Fathers and sons-and increasingly daughters. For the Israelis have liberated the Arab woman, too, in order that she may also vote for anti-Zionists and teach anti-Israel hatred. Thus, when the prime minister’s office boasts that “the expansion of the educational system has helped to raise the standard of education of the younger generation of women” and “the fact that Arab women are coming into closer contact with the Jewish population is opening up new horizons,” one gropes for an explanation for the smug satisfaction. The most that can be said for Israel’s liberal policy is that it has created a new generation of Jew haters with due care to ensure that the source of the hate is equal, with discrimination because of sex..
The generation of the fathers is dying destroyed by the Israeli government’s “head-and-stomach” policy. The father is dead; long live the son and daughter, whom Israel created. They will do their best to destroy the Jewish state, and, of course, the Jewish state will continue to produce them. The first generation of Israeli Arab university graduates immediately produced the El Ard anti-Israeli movement in the 1960’s.
Indeed, even then there were those who saw and understood-and those who did, terrified by what they saw, put it out of mind. In the Midstream magazine (December 1962) Nissim Rejwan, an Israeli writer, said: “One of the more alarming aspects of the Israeli problem is that the new generation of Israeli Arabs generally shows even less willingness, not to speak of eagerness, to accept the fact of Israel’s existence than do their fathers and grandfathers. The so-called Arab ‘intelligentsia’ in Israel which seems to embrace every literate person from university graduates to those who finished a few secondary classes, are in the majority of cases swayed by the heady talk…about ‘settling scores with Israel.’ Many of them, it would appear, cannot reconcile themselves to their status as a minority in a Jewish state and keep hoping for some sort of savior.” Was anyone listening?
The rise of the new generation of educated Israeli Arabs who did not know, the bitter taste of defeat and who openly moved toward confrontation with Zionism and the Jewishness of the state was itself given enormous impetus by the Six-Day-War.
Again, ironically, it was Jewish military victory that the Jews turned into yet another political defeat. For the first time in nineteen years the Arabs were able to meet and talk with other Arabs who were not Israelis, who called themselves “Palestinians,” and who openly spoke of the day when the hated Jews would leave. The Israeli Arab suddenly, realized that he was neither meat nor milk, fish nor fowl. He was not an Israeli, but now he was struck by the awesome realization that he had not been a “Palestinian” all those years either? He was looked upon by the West Bank “Palestinians” as a traitor who cooperated with, and accepted, Israeli citizenship from the Jews who had stolen the land from his people. In one fell swoop, all the factors that went into creating the new radical Israeli Arab came together. Things could never be the same.
Not only were there new contacts with the West Bank “Palestinians,” but this was also the beginning of joint cooperation. Thus, Israeli Arabs participated in a “Palestine Week” held in 1978 at the Universities of Bethlehem and Bir Zeit. They helped organize it, and they printed and distributed a leaflet calling for the support of the PLO. In defiance of the law several Israeli Arab students have begun studying in schools in the liberated territories.
The opening of the borders between the State of Israel and the liberated areas was seen by the incredibly obtuse Israelis as allowing the better-fed Israeli Arabs to demonstrate the benefits of Israeli occupation. Of course, a child could have known that the exactly the opposite would occur. The Israeli Arabs were suddenly given the opportunity to meet, regularly, with their own people who were struggling for what the Israeli Arab understood to be a common goal: freedom.
The mayor of Hebron, Fahd Kawasma, said (January 22, 1979): “The Israeli Arabs have remained foreigners and their lot remains ours. There is no possibility of blurring the fact that they and we are part of the same people, and the fact that they live in Israel does not make them less Palestinian.”
In his newspaper interview, Bir Zeit President Nasir added: “The destiny of the Arab College at Bir Zeit is to be the nucleus around which is built the Palestinian State.” Indeed, the Arab students being trained in the Jewish universities of Israel see themselves in the same light. They are the seed of the future “Palestine” leaders in the area of “Palestine conquered in 1948.” They give leadership and examples to high school students and are the PLO leaders of tomorrow.
The irony is that the most extraordinary rise in the brazenness has taken place under the supposedly tough Begin government. Maariv reporter Yosef Tzuriel commented on this as long ago as April 26, 1978. “The rise of the Likud to power created a certain amount of tension in the first months among Arabs of Israel and the territories who expected a firmer policy against them. but after a short while it became clear that the new government was as liberal as its predecessor, if not more so.”
Between 1978 and 1980 we have seen an inevitable rise in Arab hostility toward the state. After winning the elections of leadership of the Arab students at Hebrew University, the Progressive National Movement opened an office in the student dormitories on Stern Street, hanging out a eye-catching sign: “Progressive National Movement.” How a group such as the PNM was allowed to run for office or its members remain as students rather than to be prosecuted for sedition would seem difficult to explain. Bear in mind however, that this is a university that allowed an Arab student Fares Saur, a member of a terrorist group that planted a bomb in the school cafeteria, to continue his studies after finishing his jail sentence. The school explained that the criteria for acceptance to the university was purely academic.
In its publication Tachadi for December 1978 the PNM wrote of its opposition to “any settlement with a recognition of the Zionist entity in any part of Palestine.” The student author called for a war “beginning with leaflets and demonstrations and concluding with armed military struggle.” Above all, the PNM made this point crystal-clear: “ The struggle is not limited to the ‘occupied territories.’ We must widen it to all parts of the Arab motherland.”
The PNM, running for control of the Arab student body, had distributed literature outlining its program and goals in which they demanded that “the right of national self-determination for the Palestinian people also included the masses in [Israel’s] Galilee and the Triangle.” And so in January 1979 several Arab students distributed a pamphlet calling for support of the PLO and the disappearance of the “Zionist entity.” Moreover, some Arabs fired off a cable to the Damascus meeting of the Palestine National Council to voice their support of the PLO’s struggle against the ever-present “Zionist entity.”
A furor arose in Israel; more “shock”, more demands for expulsion of all PLO -supporting students from the school. The universities did nothing, but tough General Avigdor Ben-Gal issued “stay-at-home” orders to six of the students. The orders kept them limited to their villages and were to be in effect for three months – enough time to make them heroes and thus allow them to return and continue their incitement.
The six came from six different Israeli villages: Tamra, Araba, Kfar Yasif, Musmus, Sandala, and Umm al-Fahm. It is instructive to look at two of the students so that we may get a clear picture of the insanity of the Israeli policy, as reported by Yosef Valter in Maariv (February 16, 1979).
Masoud A’jabria, twenty-four, is completing his M.A. at Hebrew University in international relations while going to law school. Besides Masoud, there is his brother, Sa’id, learning chemistry at the Mizrachi-religious-sponsored Bar-Ilan University; a sister, studying at a teacher’s seminar in Hadar Am, and five younger brothers and sisters are attending high school. Naturally, someday they will go on to university. Yosef Valter visited the family and reported: “from a brief conversation you find that all of them think and speak like Masoud, the older brother.” That is a starkly frightening sentence when one remembers that Masoud A’jabria said: “In order to achieve a Palestinian revolution we must shed rivers of blood.”
Jamal Mahajana, twenty-one, comes from Umm al-Fahm. Mahajana is a product of the integration Israeli myopics teach. He studied in the mostly Jewish Afula high school and says, “I was not discriminated against.” And so, having received the same education his Zionist neighbors received, and having been accepted into Hebrew University while 50,000 poor Sephardic Jews remain outside, Mahajana says in his telegram to the PLO in Damascus: “We emphasized that we are Palestinian Arabs living in the State of Israel and, like others, we claim that the PLO is the sole representative of the Palestinian people… The Zionist regime is an oppressive regime…”
The total lack of any coherent and consistent policy on the part of Israel toward the Arabs was seen two weeks later, when the national Arab Student Union announced that it, too, saw the PLO as the exclusive leader of the Palestinian people. No one was arrested, no one placed under house arrest. Little wonder that in the year that followed Arab boldness increased.
Arab students held an unauthorized demonstration at Hebrew University in November 1979 to protest the planned expulsion of Shechem’s PLO mayor Bassam Shaka. The Arabs shouted, “We are all Arafat,” and “The state is ours,” a fight broke out involving chains, rocks, and knives. Three Jewish students were injured. A Jewish student group was formed called Students Who Are Disgusted.
At Haifa University, on May 4, 1980, 50 Arab students marched through school buildings, disrupting classes and shouting against “Israeli fascism.” Three days later a swastika and the words “Death to the Jews” were painted on doors at Haifa’s Technion.
At Haifa University, the Arab students published a paper called Bian, in which, among other things, they said: “We are an indivisible part of the Palestine Arab people and the PLO is our sole legal representative…Zionism is a racist, colonialist movement…”
The young Arabs of Israel. The fathers are dying. The sons remain, and they will have sons and daughters-many. The young, educated, modern Arab. The Golem of Israel, created by Jews who believed that by caring for his body and expanding his mind, they would lead the Arab to accept being a permanent minority in a Jewish state.
If examples of Israeli blindness were not so prevalent, no one would believe them. But consider:
“In January 1979 Knesset Education Committee chairman Ora Namir paid a well-publicized visit to the schools of Umm al-Fahm, one of the centers of Israeli Arab hate. Passing a wall on which had been painted “Long live Fatah,” she told the Arabs that “we are committed to doing everything we can to make Arab schools equal to Jewish schools,” despite a government decision to freeze and cut spending levels for Jews.”
And then Mrs. Namir, a Knesset member and a leader in Israel, said: “The fact that you do not have enough latrines in the schools is, for me, even more tragic than not enough classrooms. You will have the budget. But you will have to promise me that the latrines will be first.”
Not by latrines does an Arab live, and he will never trade his national passions for them. The latrines we give him he will take. But the education he receives from Israel he will use to bring closer that day when Jews will be a minority and he can generously offer them the latrines.
[We can see that the power that the Arabs have today, was a long-time in the making.]
What is the real result of the millions of dollars poured into higher Arab education and the hundreds of millions spent on secondary (high school) training? Consider: In December 1979 the Progressive National Movement (PNM) won the election for control of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University. In its platform the PNM called for:
· acceptance of the Palestinian Covenant (which calls for the elimination of Israel)
· the creation of a “democratic, secular Palestine” in place of Israel
· acceptance pf terrorist activities as part of the Palestinian struggle for self-determination.
And indeed, in 1979, students and visitors at the university were startled to find mimeographed copies of the Palestinian National charter being distributed.
And should one have any doubt, the immensely frank interview with Mahmud
Muhareb would dispel all of them. Muhareb, an Israeli Arab citizen of Lydda and at the time chairman of the Arab Student Committee at Hebrew University, presented his views to Maariv Israel’s largest newspaper (January 20, 1978): “We, the Arab students in the university, constitute and indivisible part of the Arab Palestinian nation, and we struggle in its service in order to achieve its goals.”
“As for me and my personal lot, I am first and foremost a Palestinian, resident of Lydda. Israeli citizenship was forced upon me. I do not recognize it and do not see myself as belonging to the State of Israel. The law requires me to carry an Israeli identity card and passport. As a Palestinian, I would prefer Palestinian ones.”
There is nothing new or startling about this. The signs of Arab intellectual hatred of Israel and deep desire for the dismantlement were obvious to all who wished to see
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